Since its introduction to the South Pacific in the eighteenth century, Christianity has had a profoundly transformative impact on the cultures and economies of our region. This, some continue to argue, was so far-reaching that it was also deeply invasive.
The influence of the early Methodist, London Missionary Society (L.M.S), Roman Catholic, Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-Day Saints and Seventh-Day Adventist missionaries resulted in drastic social changes for both Polynesia and Melanesia.
These included amendments to some of the most fundamental political and economic units in our societies—such as encouraging nuclear families instead of crowded extended family communal living. It also constituted the banning of polygamous and forced marriages, and the introduction of formal education.
With a few exceptions, the people of the South Pacific have historically appeared very receptive to these changes.
They publicly renounced their old gods and goddesses, imposed bans on traditional ceremonies and entertainment forms that featured explicit sexuality, and there continues to be great societal pressure on young people to not only succeed academically, but to learn and be fluent in the ‘global language’: English.
One area in which the Christianisation of our region has not affected as much change as its colonial-era proponents believe, however, is the domain of indigenous spiritual superstitions.
The Christianisation of Polynesia
Whilst there is no longer widespread worship of deities such as Tagaloa/Tangaroa/Kanaloa (remember him from the soundtracks of Moana and Moana 2?), the peoples and cultures of Polynesia maintain a reverence for them by continuing to name children after them, bestow chiefly titles that either honour or directly replicate their names, and directly acknowledge them at ceremonies and celebrations by way of reciting the many chants and metaphors that have survived the colonial religious ‘invasion’.
An important example of this is the Samoan ‘ava ceremony. ‘Ava (or kava), a drink made from mixing water and ground powder from the plant Piper methysticum, has psychoactive, depressant properties.
Upon receiving a coconut-shell cup of ‘ava, a guest is expected to make a short oration, which commonly includes pouring a few drops of the drink onto the matted floor and declaring, “Lou ‘ava lea, le atua.” “Here is your ‘ava, god.”
It is a tradition that remains from the pre-colonial years during which Polynesians widely believed that gods and spirits were present and actively involved in their daily trials and triumphs. It was customary to “give thanks” by offering them some of the beloved ceremonial drink. Many modern people recite these lines without thinking about the old gods.
Others, still, interpret this reference to be an acknowledgement of the Christian God, by whose blessing and providence important milestones such as receiving chiefly titles are achieved.
Whichever view one takes, it is the consensus in our region that this enduring ceremonial line was here long before the gospel. Its continued recitation in modern Samoa provides an interesting case study of how—in order to peacefully coexist—two vastly dissimilar cultures have merged in what some would still argue is a contradictory way.
The Christianisation of Melanesia
Due to its large geographical size and cultural as well as linguistic diversity, the Christianisation of Melanesia has been markedly distinctly less thorough than that of Polynesia.
In Papua New Guinea, where I was born, fear of witchcraft and sorcery continues to be an oppressive force that divides families, instigates atrocious violence against women (they are the primary targets of sorcery suspicion), and prevents much-needed medical as well as social intervention in rural communities.
Tahiti, Fiji, Samoa, and Tonga received some of the first waves of the gospel that entered the South Pacific in the early late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. The mid-nineteenth century and much of the twentieth century saw hundreds of young people volunteer to be trained as ministers of the gospel, and to travel to Melanesia in support of the evangelistic efforts of the Methodist and L.M.S churches.
The Roman Catholic Church and the Lutheran Church—both of which are enduringly popular in Melanesia—already had established presences in the region. Upon returning home, a number of these pioneers attested to the initial difficulty of introducing both Christian beliefs and centralized governance systems to fragmented and isolated regions such as the steeply hilled New Guinea highlands.
Presently, many of the regions in which the early missionaries struggled to establish ‘Christian societies’ continue to struggle with what is now known as S.A.R.V (Sorcery-Related Violence), and to report high incidences of deaths which have been caused by curses and ritualized occult killings.
Modern-day independent Papua New Guinea pays homage to the deeply spiritual pre-Christian architecture of New Guinea island in many ways. The parliament house, for example, is built in the style of the traditional ‘haus tambaran’ or ‘house of the spirits.’ In indigenous Melanesian societies, ‘spirit houses’ are typically spaces where community leaders meet to seek the guidance and empowerment of their traditional deities.
The Christianisation of a region as diverse as the South Pacific has never been a simple or linear process. Christianisation itself has historically, for Pacific people, been as much about receiving the good news of Christ’s love as it has been about accepting the rulership and imposition of foreign powers.
In what is widely considered to be a new decolonisation era for the South Pacific, the people of Polynesia and Melanesia continue to navigate the delicate balance between the spiritual safety net of the gospel, and what many still believe are our inherited cultural loyalties.
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